The Goddess’ Home and the beginnings of Bön and Buddhism in the Region
Gemu’s story is honored with annual pilgrimages around the mountain, and by visiting her cave high on the slope. The pilgrimage takes place in the seventh lunar month, i.e., generally around the end of July. Families make the trek around the mountain as a group, stopping, eating, and performing rites at sites that are related to their specific ancestors. The day is like a walking picnic for the entire community and is intended to have the Goddess bless the people with good harvests, health, and wellbeing for another year. Fascinatingly, these clan pilgrimages are led by either dabas or Buddhist lamas, depending on the particular family. The daba/lama leads holy rites conducted at the most important stops. The festival involves nine fires placed strategically around the mountain. Corn, rice and beans are mixed together and put into the lake and various places around the mountain as well. The only restriction is that the mixture cannot be placed anywhere where people live or work.
Visits to the cave used to be solely for worship as it was very difficult to climb the fairly steep mountain to the cave entrance. Now, it has become a major tourist destination with a cable car going from the valley to a point above mid-way up the mountain. From the cable car station there are fairly steep staircases overrun with begging brown monkeys leading to the cave entrance. The cave itself is quite large and is now lit with various neon lights highlighting various stalagmite formations that are labeled as “The Kiss”, “The Goddess,” “The Priest,” etc. There is even a plaque alerting the visitor to the place where the Goddess throws evil people to Hell. This is her home, and her seat of judgment. By the entrance, a new temple has been constructed run by yellow robed Buddhist priests who read oracles telling tourists’ fortunes. On the way down from the cave, after exiting the cable car, there is a choice to walk or to cram into a go-cart and soar down a serpentine looped track to the valley floor. The Goddess’ blessing is evidenced by the fact that so far no one has been thrown from the carts. The Goddess is honored as the supreme matriarch protecting her children in the valley and around the lake. Her ahzu relationship is the model for partnerships, and her placement in the sacred traditions of the region validates the matriarchic nature of Mosuo.
Bön must have come fairly early to the area, and while the elite were aligned with Buddhist monasteries, it seems that the common people often affiliated with the Bön temples. Most of the Mosuo follow the Black Hat (Bön) or another non-traditional Tibetan Buddhist sect, the Wan Sho. Yellow Hats (Gelugpas) are also in the region, but not many remain by the lake. All the temples in the region were destroyed during the Cultural Revolution, but since about 2008, there has been a massive rebuilding campaign. A sizable Black Hat Temple was originally reconstructed in 1980 and is currently undergoing another extensive overhaul. Surrounding the structure are prayer wheels in place for the backwards (in relation to other Tibetan Buddhist traditions) counter clockwise kora, a ritual circumambulation, around the temple. As with other religious sites there is a lively market right next it. The Black Hat Temple is directly in front of the entrance to one side of Gemu’s Lovers Walking Bridge. Bön was officially suppressed by the Gelugpas in the 18th century in Lijiang, but evidently survived better around Lugu Lake.
Although the exact date is shrouded in mystery, Buddhism supposedly came to the Lugu Lake region no later than the 13th century and a second sect in the 14th.[1] Until the Social/Democratic Reforms in 1956 when the Mosuo were officially incorporated into Chinese society with the abolition of the chieftain, there were two major Buddhist monasteries corresponding with these two branches in the region. Each family would send at least one son to join either Zhameige, belonging to the Gelugpa tradition, or Zhenbo, which followed either a Kagyu or Sakya tradition depending on era, thereby tying the formal Buddhist structure with the social community. Families would join particular monasteries based on the geographical location in relation to their home as well as on the ideological differences in the sects. The Gelugpa (Yellow Hat) was larger than the Kagyu/Sakya (White/Red Hat), although both had hundreds of monks in their communities. Zhameige was also the home of the “Living Buddha,” an incarnation of a famous lama from Lhasa who came sometime in the late 19th/early 20th century to live among the Mosuo. His latest incarnation died a few years ago and people still speak of him as if he were among the living. The monasteries were destroyed in the Cultural Revolution, but both Zhameige Temple and Dajialin Temple have since been reconstructed. Both monasteries, but especially Zhameige, used to send young monks to Lhasa to study at the main monasteries before returning to their home state. There is a longstanding tradition of Mosuo monks at the illustrious Drepung Monastery. When in the Lugu Lake region, the monks would not live at the monastery and would also not be bound by the traditional laws of celibacy, but instead were free to pursue ahzu relationships. Some texts even relate that on the eve of the departure to Lhasa, young student monks from Zhenbo were led to a field with tents so that they could spend their last night with their ahzus. To fulfill their religious obligations, the monks would meet to recite texts on the first and fifteen of the month; otherwise they would continue to help with the normal activities of the household.[2] According to Shih, there is some indication that the returning monks did not participate in agricultural production, which is the mainstay of Mosuo economy, when they returned from Lhasa. As a fifth of the population were monks, this had a two-fold effect: 1) the women had to pick up more of the workload, and 2) the monks came back with the Tibetan patriarchal attitudes of women as second class.[3] This, however, does not correspond to local statements that traditionally the men were traders and were gone on long and treacherous journeys across the Himalayas, so the women had to pick up the agricultural work as there was no one else to do it. When the men came back, they were tired and only helped when needed. The phenomenon is basically the same whether the men were gone for trade or gone to study; in both cases they simply were not around to work in the fields.
(To be continued)
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[1] Shih, Quest for Harmony 243.
[2] Knödel, Die Matrilinearen Mosuo, 231.
[3] Shih, Quest for Harmony, 246.